CS seems, therefore, not to be linked to lower competence in one of the speaker’s L1s (cf. ( 2015) found that CS could be best characterised as the smooth change of languages among bilinguals and trilinguals who have highly developed skills in both languages. In her definition, Treffers-Daller ( 2009) points to the alternation between larger units of language material from language A and B which, in turn, are not really close to each other. Muysken ( 2000), for instance, defined this phenomenon as the sequence of lexical and grammatical items from two languages that come together in one sentence. Especially if we follow Benmamoun et al.’s ( 2013) point of view that the HL is mastered worse than the MaL at some point during childhood, mixing could be taken as ‘filling the gaps’ that the HL has as compared to the MaL.Ĭode-switching (CS) has been described according to many different perspectives. Although the results from Genesee et al.’s ( 1995) study (and many others) seem to speak against a relationship between mixing and language competence, others seem to find a connection between these two. ( 1995) could perceive that the percentages of mixing were lower than the rates of those words containing more than one morpheme (multimorphemic utterances, MMU), which seems to indicate that children were mixing less than they could. In addition to these findings, the longitudinal study of Genesee et al. ( 2019), no mixing could be attested at all. For some of the bilingual and trilingual children taking part in the cross-sectional study by Poeste et al. However, studies that have investigated the use of structures like those in example (1) by early simultaneous bilingual and trilingual children have reported that they represent less than 10% of the total amount of productions ( Genesee et al. Particularly, caregiver– child interactions in the HL typically display this linguistic behaviour more often than when interactions take place in the community language (CL). These show a smooth and subtle interchange between the child’s languages in spontaneous situations. Instances such as those observed in example (1) are well attested in the literature on bilingual and trilingual first language acquisition. Finally, sibling groups using both the heritage and the majority languages in their interactions show low code-switching rates. When families have chosen the ‘one person-one language’ strategy and do not have a family language, code-switching is almost absent. Interestingly, balanced and heritage-language-dominant children present instances of intrasentential code-switching (particularly insertions and alternations), while intersentential code-switching is frequent across all groups. In a nutshell, children who are dominant in the majority language ultimately code-switch more frequently than the other groups. For the appearance of code-switching, our cross-sectional study analyses language dominance (MLU) and fluency (w/minute) along with child-external factors, such as family language policies, family language and siblings’ interaction, in sixteen multilingual children (mean age 5 7) being raised in Germany with German and Catalan (and another L1) simultaneously. The appearance of code-switching in the productions of multilingual speakers has been well attested and has been mostly linked to age and language dominance as well as family language policies and consistence of input, among other factors. In heritage language acquisition studies, it has been observed that heritage speakers may experience a shift of language dominance from the heritage language to the majority language due to input quantity and quality factors.
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